TOBY MUSE
FARC Forever?
BOGOTÁ - On Nov. 4, after years of military raids and a number of near-misses
Toby Muse (November 2011)
The Guardian (original article)
The Guardian (original article)
BOGOTÁ - On Nov. 4, after years of military raids and a number of near-misses, Colombian troops killed the 63-year-old Guillermo León Sáenz, a k a Alfonso Cano, the commander of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, or FARC. President Juan Manuel Santos of Colombia called this “the biggest blow” to the Marxist group in its 47-year history.
Perhaps, but it isn’t the knockout blow. Within days of Santos’s urging the rebels to lay down their weapons — or else — FARC issued a statement saying that it was open to dialogue but that in the meantime it would continue to fight.
Once again, the Colombian government may be underestimating the strength of the ideology that has sustained one of the longest-running insurgencies in the world.
In light of FARC’s activities and tactics — the rebels are increasingly involved in the cocaine trade and keep hostages chained like animals — conventional wisdom has it that its fighters have lost their beliefs. But after reporting on the group for 10 years, I’ve found that it doesn’t lack for ideology.
Even though they have been kicked out from parts of the country and are weakened overall, the rebels remain dedicated to revolution. They are committed to the idea of violently achieving what they say will be a fairer, socialist society thanks to land redistribution and state control over industrial sectors.
Last year in July, I met fighters from the Sixth Front, one of FARC’s most active outfits, in the province of Cauca in southwestern Colombia, a hotbed of this war set high among mountains so tall and steep you look down on clouds. It was during a month of sustained fighting, with FARC launching attacks every day on the military outposts that crown the mountaintops.
During one lull in the fighting, I talked with John (the only name he would give) and two other FARC guerrillas. One look at the dirt floor and the ragged mattress in John’s concrete hut and it was obvious he hadn’t been fighting for the past decade for the money. (FARC offers clothing and food, though, which in the impoverished countryside can be incentive enough for a teenager to join.)
John took pride in the group’s asceticism: “A guerrilla fighter has no use for alcohol or drugs” and “he can sleep for four hours, quick-march all day and then fight the enemy.” And he took pride in the cause: “We want to create a society that will be run for the majority of Colombia: the poor.”
I asked John about the several thousands of rebels who have deserted FARC over the past eight years, since the Colombian government began the offensive that continues today. (The military estimates that FARC has a remaining 10,000 fighters under its command.)
“They did us a favor,” he said. “We got rid of those who weren’t committed to the revolution. Now we’re stronger.” The other two, younger guerrillas — one white, thin and gangly; the other a short indigenous man — looked on as if absorbing a lecture.
All three seemed inspired by President Hugo Chávez. “If this were Venezuela, then I wouldn’t have to fight,” John said.
“If this were Venezuela, I would be studying,” the gangly guerrilla said half to himself.
Most Colombians want the conflict with FARC, which has killed tens of thousands of people over the years, to be resolved through negotiations. For that to happen, though, the FARC leadership will insist on something in return beyond just amnesty — something it can present to committed fighters like John, such as land reform or some other fundamental change in Colombian society. And while the government rides high on the death of Cano, it is unlikely to concede much.
And then Tuesday, as if to confirm the dim prospects for peace, FARC named the hard-line commander known as Timochenko to be Cano’s successor. It closed the announcement by stating: “The continuance of the strategic plan to take power for the people is guaranteed.”
Perhaps, but it isn’t the knockout blow. Within days of Santos’s urging the rebels to lay down their weapons — or else — FARC issued a statement saying that it was open to dialogue but that in the meantime it would continue to fight.
Once again, the Colombian government may be underestimating the strength of the ideology that has sustained one of the longest-running insurgencies in the world.
In light of FARC’s activities and tactics — the rebels are increasingly involved in the cocaine trade and keep hostages chained like animals — conventional wisdom has it that its fighters have lost their beliefs. But after reporting on the group for 10 years, I’ve found that it doesn’t lack for ideology.
Even though they have been kicked out from parts of the country and are weakened overall, the rebels remain dedicated to revolution. They are committed to the idea of violently achieving what they say will be a fairer, socialist society thanks to land redistribution and state control over industrial sectors.
Last year in July, I met fighters from the Sixth Front, one of FARC’s most active outfits, in the province of Cauca in southwestern Colombia, a hotbed of this war set high among mountains so tall and steep you look down on clouds. It was during a month of sustained fighting, with FARC launching attacks every day on the military outposts that crown the mountaintops.
During one lull in the fighting, I talked with John (the only name he would give) and two other FARC guerrillas. One look at the dirt floor and the ragged mattress in John’s concrete hut and it was obvious he hadn’t been fighting for the past decade for the money. (FARC offers clothing and food, though, which in the impoverished countryside can be incentive enough for a teenager to join.)
John took pride in the group’s asceticism: “A guerrilla fighter has no use for alcohol or drugs” and “he can sleep for four hours, quick-march all day and then fight the enemy.” And he took pride in the cause: “We want to create a society that will be run for the majority of Colombia: the poor.”
I asked John about the several thousands of rebels who have deserted FARC over the past eight years, since the Colombian government began the offensive that continues today. (The military estimates that FARC has a remaining 10,000 fighters under its command.)
“They did us a favor,” he said. “We got rid of those who weren’t committed to the revolution. Now we’re stronger.” The other two, younger guerrillas — one white, thin and gangly; the other a short indigenous man — looked on as if absorbing a lecture.
All three seemed inspired by President Hugo Chávez. “If this were Venezuela, then I wouldn’t have to fight,” John said.
“If this were Venezuela, I would be studying,” the gangly guerrilla said half to himself.
Most Colombians want the conflict with FARC, which has killed tens of thousands of people over the years, to be resolved through negotiations. For that to happen, though, the FARC leadership will insist on something in return beyond just amnesty — something it can present to committed fighters like John, such as land reform or some other fundamental change in Colombian society. And while the government rides high on the death of Cano, it is unlikely to concede much.
And then Tuesday, as if to confirm the dim prospects for peace, FARC named the hard-line commander known as Timochenko to be Cano’s successor. It closed the announcement by stating: “The continuance of the strategic plan to take power for the people is guaranteed.”